Kamp Reverse-Sobels “Only” Suspension

I just returned from a very stimulating workshop on philosophy and linguistics at the University of Michigan. There was a lot of good discussion throughout the weekend (and much merriment to boot). One of the highlights was Sunday morning’s discussion of Michela Ippolito’s very clever paper on “only”#[1]. During that discussion, we came across what I think is a new discovery.

One of the puzzles about “only” is that the presupposition/implicature/entailment/whatever that the prejacent is true can be suspended:

Only Kim can pass the test, and maybe even she can’t.

It is striking that straightforward cancellation is impossible, but that with epistemic modal riders like “maybe” (and, as Mandy Simons noted in the discussion, the almost obligatory appearance of “even”), suspension seems possible.

Now, the cool thing was that Hans Kamp said that this felt to him to be quite similar to the famous Sobel sequences in the counterfactual literature:

If John had come to the party, it would have been fun.
But of course, if John and Bill had come to the party, it would have been a disaster.

One of the characteristics of the Sobel sequence is that it can’t be reversed:#[2]

If John and Bill had come to the party, it would have been a disaster.
??But of course, if John had come to the party, it would have been fun.

So, the new discovery about “only” is that suspension cannot be run in reverse:

??Maybe even Kim can’t pass the test, but only she can.

I suspect that this fact will play a non-negligible role in the eventual discovery of the truth about “only”.

[1]: Michela has asked me not to link to the draft of her paper. If you’d like to know more about her paper, send her email at michela@bu.edu.

[2]: I first learned this from Irene Heim and it plays a central role in my paper “Counterfactual in a Dynamic Sequence”. Hans said that he thought this had been part of the folklore for a while, but I am not sure about that.

High Profile Open-Access Online Journal in CS

Maybe this will inspire us to get something similar off the ground in semantics etc.:

Dear Colleague:

We are writing to inform you about the progress of the open-access, online journal “Logical Methods in Computer Science,” which has recently benefited from a freshly designed web site.

In the first year of its existence, the journal received 75 submissions: 21 were accepted and 22 declined (the rest are still in the editorial process). The first issue is complete, and we anticipate that will be three in all by the end of the calendar year. Our eventual aim is to publish four issues per year. We also publish Special Issues: to date, three are in progress, devoted to selected papers from LICS 2004, CAV 2005 and LICS 2005.

The average turn-around from submission to publication has been 7 months. This comprises a thorough refereeing and revision process: every submission is refereed in the normal way by two or more referees, who apply high standards of quality.

We would encourage you to submit your best papers to Logical Methods in Computer Science, and to encourage your colleagues to do so too. There is a flier and a leaflet containing basic information about the new journal on the homepage; we would appreciate your posting and distributing them, or otherwise publicising the journal. We would also appreciate any suggestions you may have on how we may improve the journal.

Yours Sincerely,

Dana S. Scott (editor-in-chief)
Gordon D. Plotkin and Moshe Y. Vardi (managing editors)
Jiri Adamek (executive editor)

Forbes on Communication

Forbes editor David Ewalt emails a pointer at a new special feature on forbes.com:

Forbes.com just published a special report on “Communicating” and it features a bunch of interesting items about linguistics, language, and communication in general.

Noam Chomsky weighs in on the spontaneous invention of language, why it’s easier for kids to learn languages, and provides an audio clip on the origins of language.

Stephen Pinker’s in there too, discussing why we have language and and there’s an audio clip of him on what we don’t know about language.

Lots of cool other stuff too, including Carl Zimmer’s essay titled “Can Chimps Talk?”, and two essays from legendary zoologist Jane Goodall; one called “Why Words Hurt”.

Bhatt and Sharvit on Superlatives

Bhatt, Rajesh and Yael Sharvit (to appear). “A Note on Intensional Superlatives”, Proceedings of SALT 15. CLC Publications, Cornell University.

Find out why structures of the form

The longest book John said Tolstoy had written was Anna Karenina.

are sometimes ambiguous, sometimes not.

Krifka on Number Words

Manfred Krifka: “More on Approximative Number Words”. Handout of talk at Semantiknetztwerk, Berlin, October 17, 2005.

Find out why There were forty people there is understood to make a less precise claim than There were thirty-eight people there.

Beck and von Stechow on Pluractional Adverbials

Sigrid Beck & Arnim von Stechow: “Pluractional Adverbials”. Handout from talk at Sinn und Bedeutung 10, Berlin October 13 – 15, 2005.

Find out about the compositional semantics of Sally ate the cake piece by piece and Sally washed the dogs one after the other.

Update: Arnim has posted a newer version of the handout (among other changes, it subtracts the discussion of Moltmann’s proposal — to be revised).

B. Russell on Implicature

Ben Russell: “Against Grammatical Computation of Scalar Implicatures”. presented at the workshop on Implicature and Conversational Meaning, 16-20 August 2004, Nancy.

A Guide to Professional Skills for PhD Students

Phil Agre. Networking on the Network: A Guide to Professional Skills for PhD Students.

Very nice, long guide to life in academia. Particularly relevant at this time of the year for job seekers is Section 6: How to Get a Job

But the whole thing could be required reading for new graduate students as well.

Semantics Job Bonanza

With the addition today of a tenure-track position in semantics at Ohio State — replacing the retiring David Dowty — there are now 7 (seven!) tenure-track positions in semantics, plus two other tenure-track jobs that semanticists are eligible for, at major North-American research universities. This has got to be the most ever.

Stay informed about the job market by following (and contributing to) the Semantics Job Wiki.

Goldstein on Gödel

Current bedtime reading: Rebecca Goldstein’s book on Gödel and Incompleteness.

It’s been interesting so far, although there are some annoying mistakes. First of all, much of the gimmicky quoting of German is marred by silly mistakes like the repeated reference to “Reine Vernünft” (with the gratuitous and incorrect umlaut in a German logic groupie version of the Heavy Metal Umlaut). Also, some of the facts have not been checked. Goldstein cites Hintikka on the occasion of Gödël’s first public unveiling of his incompleteness result at the second conference on Epistemology of the Exact Sciences held in Königsberg. In the quote from Hintikka, the date is incorrectly given as October 7, 1930. The workshop actually took place September 5-7, 1930.

In any case, I am enjoying the book in spite of these flaws. I certainly shared some of the apparent misconceptions of what the incompleteness results mean, in particular I am learning that Gödel himself did not see their significance in the same way that popular culture seems to have interpreted them.

Supremes Decide on the Meaning of ‘Any’

In the light of the current debate about the qualifications for being a supreme court justice, I would like to enter the claim that semanticists are a prime candidate pool for the White House to explore.

Take for instance the decision in Small v. United States from April 26, 2005. The background:

Petitioner Small was convicted in a Japanese Court of trying to smuggle firearms and ammunition into that country. He served five years in prison and then returned to the United States, where he bought a gun. Federal authorities subsequently charged Small under 18 U. S. C. §922(g)(1), which forbids “any person … convicted in any court … of a crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year … to … possess … any firearm.”

Small subsequently argued that any court was not meant to encompass foreign courts, only domestic ones. The Supreme Court agreed.

The arguments in the decision are a good case study of semantics/pragmatics in the real world (well, real in as much as legal reasoning is real). Here are some excerpts:

The question before us is whether the statutory reference “convicted in any court” includes a conviction entered in a foreign court. The word “any” considered alone cannot answer this question. In ordinary life, a speaker who says, “I’ll see any film,” may or may not mean to include films shown in another city.

In law, a legislature that uses the statutory phrase ” ‘any person’ ” may or may not mean to include ” ‘persons’ ” outside “the jurisdiction of the state.” See, e.g., United States v. Palmer, 3 Wheat. 610, 631 (1818) (Marshall, C. J.) (”[G]eneral words,” such as the word “‘any,’ ” must “be limited” in their application “to those objects to which the legislature intended to apply them”); Nixon v. Missouri Municipal League, 541 U. S. 125, 132 (2004) (” ‘any’ ” means “different things depending upon the setting”); United States v. Alvarez-Sanchez, 511 U. S. 350, 357 (1994) (”[R]espondent errs in placing dispositive weight on the broad statutory reference to ‘any’ law enforcement officer or agency without considering the rest of the statute”); Middlesex County Sewerage Authority v. National Sea Clammers Assn., 453 U. S. 1, 15–16 (1981) (it is doubtful that the phrase ” ‘any statute’ ” includes the very statute in which the words appear); Flora v. United States, 362 U. S. 145, 149 (1960) (”[A]ny sum,” while a “catchall” phase, does not “define what it catches”). Thus, even though the word “any” demands a broad interpretation, see, e.g., United States v. Gonzales, 520 U. S. 1, 5 (1997), we must look beyond that word itself.

In determining the scope of the statutory phrase we find help in the “commonsense notion that Congress generally legislates with domestic concerns in mind.” Smith v. United States, 507 U. S. 197, 204, n. 5 (1993). This notion has led the Court to adopt the legal presumption that Congress ordinarily intends its statutes to have domestic, not extraterritorial, application. See Foley Bros., Inc. v. Filardo, 336 U. S. 281, 285 (1949); see also Palmer, supra, at 631 (”The words ‘any person or persons,’ are broad enough to comprehend every human being” but are “limited to cases within the jurisdiction of the state”); EEOC v. Arabian American Oil Co., 499 U. S. 244, 249–251 (1991). That presumption would apply, for example, were we to consider whether this statute prohibits unlawful gun possession abroad as well as domestically.

The statute’s language does not suggest any intent to reach beyond domestic convictions. Neither does it mention foreign convictions nor is its subject matter special, say, immigration or terrorism, where one could argue that foreign convictions would seem especially relevant. To the contrary, if read to include foreign convictions, the statute’s language creates anomalies.

For example, the statute specifies that predicate crimes include “a misdemeanor crime of domestic violence.” 18 U. S. C. §922(g)(9). Again, the language specifies that these predicate crimes include only crimes that are “misdemeanor[s] under Federal or State law.” §921(a)(33)(A). If “convicted in any court” refers only to domestic convictions, this language creates no problem. If the phrase also refers to foreign convictions, the language creates an apparently senseless distinction between (covered) domestic relations misdemeanors committed within the United States and (uncovered) domestic relations misdemeanors committed abroad.

The Supreme Court’s doctrine therefore seems to be that “any” like other quantifiers can be contextually restricted, that what the restrictions are depends on the intentions of the speaker (here: Congress), and that one can infer the intentions by seeing what interpretations make sense in the context of other utterances in the same text.

Justices Thomas, Scalia, and Kennedy dissented, saying that the court’s decision “institutes the troubling rule that “any” does not really mean “any,” but may mean “some subset of ‘any,’ ” even if nothing in the context so indicates”. They point out that the Court at some point in the decision hypothesizes that “that Congress did not consider whether the generic phrase ‘convicted in any court’ applies to domestic as well as foreign convictions” but then proceeds to uncover the implicit intentions of what they must have meant.

Intriguing stuff, and not a single semanticist/pragmaticist was called as an expert witness.

Pragmaticalist? Pragmateur?

Chris Potts writes in with a question:

What is the job title of a person who studies pragmatics? We have syntacticians, semanticists, phonologists … and “people who study pragmatics”? It’s just too clumsy.

I’ve asked around a bit. Greg Carlson told me that they use ‘pragmaticist’ at Rochester. But, to me, this sounds too much like ‘pragmatist’. It’s somewhat like ‘Pragmatiker’ in German — it should be blocked because of (near) homophony with a basically unrelated nonspecialist’s term.

I used ‘pragmatician’ in a manuscript once, but it sounds too clinical. ‘Pragmateur’ is charming in its haughtiness; it has Mike Dickey’s vote. But my current favorite is ‘pragmaticalist’. I like the ‘radical’ overtone. What do your readers think, though?

–Chris

“Pragmaticist” seems like the obvious choice to me.

What do you all think?